Introduction
India's Constitution consciously avoids naming a “national language”, acknowledging its linguistic plurality via 22 languages in the Eighth Schedule (Article 344). Yet, public discourse often demands national-level coordination on language policy—education, administration, and heritage preservation. Proposals for a National Language Commission aim to institutionalize a consultative body across Union and states to govern language promotion and inclusion. Whether this becomes a progressive multilingual framework—or another flashpoint in the Hindi debate—depends on clarity of mandate and federal design.
Constitutional & Institutional Context
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Articles 343–351 outline official language provisions: Hindi in Devanagari as the official language, continued use of English for 15 years, and duty of the Union to promote Hindi (Article 351). Article 344 mandates setting up Official Language Commissions periodically. ([turn0search6]turn0search4])
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The Eighth Schedule lists 22 official languages; expansions have occurred via constitutional amendments—for example, Konkani, Nepali, and Manipuri in 1992; Bodo, Maithili, Santhali and Dogri in 2003 ([turn0search17]turn0search19]turn0search23]).
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Government-formed committees like the Sitakant Mohapatra Committee (2003) examined criteria for additional languages, but political consensus has delayed any further inclusion. ([turn0search6])
Emerging Push for a Language Commission
Recent Political Gestures
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In June 2025, Union Home Minister Amit Shah launched a Bharatiya Bhasha Anubhag (Indian Languages Section) under the Official Language Department—aimed at “decolonising administration” by promoting use of regional languages and reducing English dependency. ([turn0news16]turn0search18])
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Amit Shah also emphasised at public forums that “Hindi is a friend to all Indian languages” and rejected any opposition to foreign languages, seeking to project a unifying rather than polarising language stance. ([turn0news12])
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RSS leaders reaffirmed that all Indian languages are national languages and opposed imposition of any single tongue—reflecting sensitivity to regional anxieties, especially in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu. ([turn0search1]turn0search5])
Why a National Language Commission?
✅ Potential Advantages
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A Commission could standardize and support terminology development in regional languages (e.g. via CSTT dictionaries linking science/technical terms to 22 languages). ([turn0search2])
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It could monitor language inclusion, linguistic equity, and implementation of federal education language policy such as the three‑language formula under NEP 2020, ensuring multilingual flexibility and reducing coercion. ([turn0search3]turn0search7]turn0search22])
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Its advisory role might lend clarity to expanding the Eighth Schedule and addressing demands for adding languages like Bhojpuri, Garhwali, Rajasthani, Tulu, and others. ([turn0search23])
⚠️ Risks & Challenges
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Without careful design, a Commission may become a vehicle for covert Hindi imposition, stoking fears of linguistic centralization in non-Hindi states. Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Karnataka and others have resisted curricular Hindi mandates. ([turn0search3]turn0reddit20]turn0search7]turn0search10])
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A commission with statutory powers may challenge existing devolution under the Three-Tier federal system, raising concerns about state autonomy on languages under the Concurrent List. ([turn0search6]turn0search8])
Proposed Structure of the Commission
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Mandate: Research, terminology development, evaluation of script and language policy, recommendations on linguistic inclusion, education policies, and digital admin translation.
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Composition:
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Chair and members from linguistic scholarship, education, state representatives and civil society.
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Inclusion of representatives from non-scheduled and tribal languages to marginal voices.
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Governance model:
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A federal advisory body reporting annually to Parliament and NITI Aayog; not an enforcement agency.
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Collaborative with state Language Commissions or departments.
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Work streams:
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Promoting multilingual textbooks (aligned with NEP goals).
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Standard and digital dictionaries and corpora (extending CSTT work) across scheduled and under‑recognized languages.
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Monitoring three‑language formula implementation to ensure opt-outs and substitution options, especially to prevent forced Hindi learning. ([turn0search2]turn0search3]turn0search7])
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Stakeholder Reactions & Public Sentiment
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Supporters argue a Commission could institutionalize the vision of “unity in diversity”—protecting the 22 official languages and millions of mother tongue speakers. ([turn0search3]turn0search23])
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Critics fear top-down designs—for example, Tamil Nadu leaders boycotted mandatory Hindi teaching under NEP and resent linked funding conditionality. Maharashtra backtracked on Hindi mandates following protests. ([turn0search7]turn0search10]turn0reddit20]turn0search8])
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Public discourse, amplified on platforms like Reddit and national media, underscores ongoing mistrust about central motives—even as Commission proposals claim inclusivity. ([turn0reddit20]turn0reddit26])
Recommendations: Principles for a Credible Commission
| Principle | Description |
|---|---|
| Federal Design | Make participation voluntary; require consultation with state language authorities; avoid imposing priorities. |
| Multilingualism First | Frame the mandate to prioritize mother‑tongue and regional languages, not Hindi alone. |
| Language Equity Metrics | Track state-wise promotion and educational uptake, technical vocabulary creation, and teaching in diverse languages. |
| Protect Opt-Out Rights | Safeguard student's choice in school language curriculum, consistent with NEP flexibility; avoid coercion. |
| Transparent Inclusion Criteria | Use clear, objective criteria for adding languages to the Eighth Schedule—based on cultural heritage, literature, speaker base. |
| Enable Technical Resource Support | Coordinate academic, lexicon, translation and digital tools to support government functions in all official languages. |
Conclusion
A National Language Commission carries potential to enrich India’s multilingual governance—if corporately designed as inclusive advisory architecture rather than a vehicle for linguistic centralization. Its success hinges on clear safeguards: respecting state authority under constitutional federalism, promoting decentralized working in under-represented languages, safeguarding opt-out rights in education, and ensuring representation of tribal and minor languages.
Without credible mandate and trust, it risks reinforcing fears of Hindi dominance. But if it upholds linguistic federalism, values diversity, and aligns with policies like NEP 2020, it might help India articulate a genuine national language policy—one that celebrates plurality instead of enforcing uniformity.